what former trump advisor has been asked to turn over documents as part of an investigation

Following concluding calendar week's Supreme Courtroom ruling, the Firm console has received cloth that information technology hopes could flesh out how the attack on the Capitol came near.

Former President Donald J. Trump and his legal team identified the documents that he was seeking to shield through claims of executive privilege, an argument that the Supreme Court rejected last week.
Credit... Cooper Neill for The New York Times

The National Archives has turned over to the House select committee investigating the assault on the Capitol last January. 6 a large batch of documents that former President Donald J. Trump had sought to continue out of the panel'south hands, citing executive privilege.

The committee has yet to make the documents public or disclose how far along information technology is in scrutinizing them for any new information near the roles played by Mr. Trump and his inner circle in the endeavour to filibuster certification of Joseph R. Biden Jr.'s victory in the 2020 presidential election.

Only in courtroom filings, Mr. Trump, his legal team and the archives identified the documents that he was seeking to shield through claims of executive privilege, an argument that the Supreme Court rejected last calendar week.

It remains unclear how valuable the documents — at least 770 pages — volition be to the investigation. Simply here is a list of them equally identified in the court filings, what is known about them and how they might fit into the larger narrative beingness assembled past the committee:

Even earlier Election Day, Republicans and the Trump White House were pushing the notion — not backed by any evidence — that there could exist widespread election fraud because of changes states enacted in response to the pandemic that made it easier for people to vote.

Mr. Trump refused to concede on election night, maxim publicly: "This is a fraud on the American public." In the weeks that followed, the White House — through Kayleigh McEnany, the press secretary at the time — amplified Mr. Trump'south messaging from the briefing room and on boob tube and social media.

The materials could help the commission certificate the extent and intensity of the effort inside the White House to promote the baseless claims, along with more details virtually which members of the assistants were virtually involved in the simulated claims.

In a typical White House, a president's agenda can provide an intimate moving-picture show of who the president meets with and the topics he may be discussing. Though Mr. Trump had a far less regimented schedule, in that location were however some meetings and events on his calendar, and aides kept track of where he was and what he was planning to exercise. The committee has indicated that it is especially interested in any communications that Mr. Trump had effectually Jan. half dozen with meridian aides similar Mark Meadows, the chief of staff, or with Vice President Mike Pence. A detailed calendar or notes could too help shed light on Mr. Trump's activities equally the riot unfolded on Capitol Hill.

Paradigm

Credit... Jason Andrew for The New York Times

On Jan. 6, Mr. Trump and his allies spoke at a rally on the Ellipse before his supporters marched more than than a mile to the Capitol. The draft voice communication — which Mr. Trump's longtime aide, Stephen Miller, helped write — would show whether Mr. Trump's incendiary language that encouraged the protesters was advertisement-libbed by him or whether it was included by his speechwriters, who may have been coordinating the president's messaging with others. In his volume, Mr. Meadows claimed Mr. Trump had ad-libbed his remarks telling the crowd to march on the Capitol.

In the days leading up to Jan. 6, there was a flurry of meetings in the Oval Office. Among the well-nigh dramatic was one on January. four, when Mr. Trump had a lawyer named John Eastman — who had written a memo substantially saying that the vice president had immense powers to determine who won the election — make the argument direct to Mr. Pence that he could delay the certification of the election on Jan. 6. (Mr. Pence after rejected the advice.)

On Jan. two, three of Mr. Trump'southward advisers — Rudolph W. Giuliani, Peter Navarro and Mr. Eastman — held a conference phone call with nigh 300 country lawmakers near election fraud. On January. iv, Phil Waldron, a former U.S. Army colonel who rose to prominence in Mr. Trump'due south inner circle later on the election, said members of his team briefed some senators on foreign interference in the election. Mr. Waldron said he personally gave the same briefing the adjacent day to members of the House.

Details of meetings similar those, and the planning for them, could assistance the committee assess whether Mr. Trump's efforts justify a criminal referral to the Justice Department on a charge similar obstructing an official proceeding in Congress.

A range of outside advisers were pushing for Mr. Trump to sign executive orders to assistance him block or boring certification of the ballot. Among the most adventurous was ane that said Mr. Trump could utilize the Defence Department to seize voting machines based on false claims that there had been strange interference in the election. Mr. Trump's first national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, and a lawyer advising him, Sidney Powell, were urging Mr. Trump to have this activity. A copy of a draft executive club nigh seizing election machines was posted on Politico'due south website on Fri.

Only that memo is three pages, and the National Archives described a memo that is four pages. There is another memo, mentioned in a recent disclosure to the committee by the Trump ally Bernard Kerik, that could also fit this description. It was withheld by Mr. Kerik nether the theory of executive privilege simply was described in a log of documents that Mr. Kerik refused to turn over as, "Typhoon Letter FROM POTUS TO SEIZE EVIDENCE IN THE Involvement OF NATIONAL SECURITY FOR THE 2020 ELECTIONS."

As main of staff, Mr. Meadows served both equally a top aide and as a conduit for exterior advisers, including members of Congress, to contact Mr. Trump and visit him at the White Business firm. Mr. Meadows has provided investigators with hundreds of pages of documents that he had on his personal phone merely has refused to sit for questioning, leading the commission to ask the Justice Department to prosecute him. His notes could potentially shed light on what Mr. Trump was hearing and saying at central moments.

In a letter final week seeking an interview with Ivanka Trump, the committee described testimony it had received well-nigh the pressure practical on Mr. Pence not to certify the election from Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg, Mr. Pence's old national security adviser. The committee has also heard from other top White House witnesses, including Stephanie Grisham, a former Trump spokeswoman. Any additional documents from the White Firm itself could assistance approve those accounts.

It is not clear precisely what this material covers.

Officer Sicknick died before long after being attacked on January. half dozen — though not directly from injuries he sustained that mean solar day — and Officer Liebengood was one of iv officers who committed suicide later on the attack. Their deaths led to an outpouring of public support for the officers. But Mr. Trump has said little about the thing, and has focused his public remarks on praising the rioters and Ashli Babbitt, a woman who was fatally shot by a police force officer after she breached the Capitol doors. The draft proclamation could show how the document was altered before it was released, and what those changes say nearly the debate inside the White House.

A senior Justice Department lawyer under George W. Bush, Mr. Philbin became a peak White Business firm lawyer nether Mr. Trump, helping him come up with legal rationales to defend his behavior. In the concluding weeks of the administration — in his role as a deputy in the White House Counsel's Office — he was supposed to vet decisions Mr. Trump was considering. Amid the materials being sought from his files are:

Mr. Trump'southward lawyers and Republicans across the country filed a flurry of lawsuits in the weeks after the election. About all of them failed. But one of the most notable — and far-fetched — was filed in mid-December when Mr. Trump's supporters in the Texas attorney full general'southward office asked the Supreme Court to disqualify the votes in iv battlefield states: Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. The gambit quickly failed.

Information technology is not clear which state official this might be or whether the electronic mail chain pertains to the Texas suit or an election in another country.

Mr. Trump'due south allies sought to ignominy the results in Antrim County in Michigan, where a human fault by the Republican county clerk led to an initial tally favoring Mr. Biden in the heavily Republican canton. The clerk, Sheryl Guy, had not properly updated the software in the county's tabulation system, resulting in a temporarily erroneous full. The fault was quickly corrected, and the results were later affirmed past a hand recount in mid-December. Trump allies nonetheless seized on these initial discrepancies and won a court society to examine a voting machine in Antrim County produced past Dominion Voting Systems. An analysis of the car and its software — by a cybersecurity house allied with Ms. Powell, the lawyer backing Mr. Trump — led to the creation of an error-filled report that claimed an almost 70 per centum error rate in the tally. This written report was one of the first things cited in a draft executive order seeking to have the Pentagon help seize voting machines effectually the country.

Nether a plan being pushed by Mr. Flynn and Ms. Powell, Mr. Trump would declare that there was foreign influence in the ballot, assuasive him to use the powers of the Defence force Department to seize voting machines and have the votes recounted. To brand such a baseless merits, Mr. Trump may have sought to cite some sort of findings almost the ballot'south security.

Allies of Mr. Flynn, including Mr. Waldron and Ms. Powell, take said that a crucial office of the effort hinged on a written report that the director of national intelligence, John Ratcliffe, was scheduled to submit to Congress on December. 18 about foreign influence in the ballot. Just that was delayed until Jan. 7 considering of a disagreement in the intelligence customs almost China'southward role in the election, co-ordinate to several news reports. The Flynn-Powell plan went nowhere. The committee also received two pages of notes indicating who received the and then-called presidential findings.

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Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/24/us/politics/trump-documents-jan-6-committee.html

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